Monthly Archives: March 2014

“to ensure the safety of individual representatives”

Posted by dianamuir on March 26, 2014
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Yesterday evening, at the end of a week-long sit-in at the student union,  the University of Michigan student government, acting under special rules designed “to ensure the safety of individual representatives“, voted against urging the university to divest from corporations doing business with the government of Israel.

“To ensure the safety of individual representatives.”  Not to insure decorum, or open debate, or to protect against rancor, or invective.  “To ensure the safety of individual representatives.”   On an American campus.  In 2014.

I am not a journalist, nor am I writing from Ann Arbor.  One of the journalists covering this story, Adam Kredo of the Washington Free Beacon drew attention to a Facebook post  by a student activist at Michigan that sheds light on why student government leaders and Jewish students at the University of Michigan may have reason to worry about their personal safety.  Two months before the vote on divestment, an Ann Arbor student named Yazan Kherallah posted a selfie on his Facebook page.  Kherallah is a vocal, public supporter of the movement to divest form Israel at the university.  The photo showed Kherallah wrapped in a keffiyeh that concealed his face so that only his eyes are showing,  holding a pineapple in one hand and a knife in the other as though he was about to stab the knife into the pineapple (ananas in French.)   Kherallah’s message reads: “It’s on. Kareem Hakim Hassan Hamid Mazen Abbas Youssef Ahmad Bazzi Omar Attalla Hussein Fardous @the rest of team ananas”

Team ananas?

The reference is to the French Holocaust denier and Jew-baiting French political activist and anti-Semite, Dieudonné M’bala M’bala.  The reference is to  Dieudonné’s Holocaust mockery song, Shoah-nanas.   The title blends Shoah, the Hebrew word for the Holocaust, with the French word for pineapple, and is wildly popular with anti-Semites across the French-speaking world and beyond.  The video has circulated in several languages.   Here, at and following 4:13, you can see the jovial Jew-hater  Dieudonné  laughing, dancing and singing while an actor  dressed in the grey pajamas of  Nazi death-camp inmates (complete with yellow star) dances with pineapples.   Sample lyric, “You take me by the Shoah, I’ll take you by the pineapple.”

Purile?  Certainly.  But also part of the rising drumbeat of anti-Semitism that has led to a wave of violent attacks and murders targeting Jews in France.

I doubt that many University of Michigan students have ever heard of Dieudonné.  Certainly few Americans equate pineapples with Holocaust denial or with Jew hatred, in fact I doubt that many people in Michigan can identify an ananas. For most American students, a picture of a guy in a keffiyeh stabbing a pineapple is merely weird.

But 42 of Kerallah’s Facebook friends recognized the Jew-hating imagery, they “liked” Kerallah’s  knife-stabbing  Shoah-nanas photo, they thought it was funny, “you crack me up man,”  and mildly daring, “you on the list now ain’t ya.”  None of his friends wrote anything along the lines of: Man, are you out of your mind?  You think murdering 6 million innocent people was a comedy routine?

As it is, and even though many of Kerallah’s “friends” are not in Ann Arbor, the members of the student government and University of Michigan security have reason to be concerned about the atmosphere of Jew-hatred found among at least some students in Michigan.


Addendum: Kerallah has now posted a denial of anti-Semitic intentions in his ananas-stabbing selfie on his Facebook page.  He claims that the post was part of his participation in an intramural sports league in which his team played against a team called the ananas, which means pineapple in many languages, including, Kerallah points out, Arabic.

I remain skeptical because Kerallah is active on social media, and the Shoah-ananas photos have been making the rounds on social media for a long time.  I find it difficult to believe that, for example, the Facebook friends who cannot possibly be members of an intramural Ann Arbor basketball team because they are studying in Ireland and other parts of Europe, but who recognized the symbolism of Dieudonne’s ananas stabbing and wrote “ha, ha” had failed to send the video around when it was ricocheting through anti-Israel social media circles  in January 2014.

But even if Kerallah failed to see it then, he could hardly have missed it after footballer Nocholas Anelka sparked a a frenzy of media coverage about  Dieudonneand his anti-Semitic, Holocaust-mocking song on December 28, 2013 by celebrating a goal with an anti-Semitic gesture popularized by Dieudonne.   Kerallah posted his selfie on January 28, at a time when student activists following the politics of the Middle East as they play out on Western campuses could hardly be unaware of the Shoah-nanas symbolism.

2nd Addendum: Kerallah appears to have taken the offensive post down, closing the barn door after the horse has escaped.


3rd Addendum  on “Holocaust pineapples”:   A tweep who has stepped forward to defend Kerallah’s use of ananas as innocent fun points out that the intramural team was named ananas way back in 2010.    This makes a great deal of sense since the video of the song went viral in 2009,  including versions with English subtitles.

The tune is upbeat and catchy, like a jovial children’s song.  It has been subtitled in many languages, used as the background music in scores, possibly hundreds, of anti-Semitic videos, and a cottage industry has developed in which individuals, commonly young men, pose holding a pineapple while giving Dieudonne’s signature salute, the quenelle.

And a some UMich undergrads apparently thought it a was good joke to name their team ananas.



Shoah pineapple, sho sho sho pineapple, you take me by the shoah, I take you by the pineapple, Shoah pineapple.

We mustn’t forget. There’s a way to make money. Sho sho sho pineapple.

Shoah pineapple, shoah apricot. Shoah anise, shoah maggot, shoah artichoke. Shoah strawberry, shoah ice cream. Shoah chocolate. Shoah.

Shoah pineapple, sho sho sho pineapple. You take me by the shoah, I’ll take you by the pineapple, sho sho sho pineapple.

Darling pineapple I’ll never forget you. You’ve suffered so much. And for everything that you’ve suffered we want to give you reparations. We want you to be given a country in the sun, and millions of dollars for the millions of pineapples that were deported: for the millions of pineapples who lost their families let’s sing forever. Sho sho sho pineapple.

Addendum # 4.  I have been having second – and third and fourth thoughts about this post.  On one hand, I do not know and cannot prove what Kerallah was thinking.  On the other hand, would a group of college boys really name their basketball team the pineapples?  Really?

But perhaps I have been jumping to conclusions.  A lot of people have.   On twitter and Facebook, many people who perceive Israel as being under assault readily accepted the knife and keffiyeh selfie as a violent threat.   People who perceive Palestinian Arabs as being under assault form Israel were equally ready to deny that this was so and to label supporters of Israel as racist bullies.

For my part, I have been having trouble seeing past the symbolism of Ananas among young people with a hatred for Israel.

Then there are the unreliable stories coming from Kerallah’s defenders.

A student government representative at UMich named Jacob Abudaram posted on Facebook  that he “can attest that the accusations made in this article are untrue,” and went on to assert that, “The actual picture is a joke from his high school– he was about to play a basketball game against a team called ‘Team Pineapple’.” 

Two misstatements there.  This is not a high school photo.  Kerallah played in an intermural league at UMich for a team called “The Kefiyyehs.”  The team they are said to have been scheduled to play against was not called the pineapples, it was called the Ananas.   Abudaram cannot know Kerallah very well if he didn’t know that this was not a story from his high school years.   And if he doesn’t see the difference between a team called pineapple and one called ananas, then he does not understand why this photo seems problematic.

I have a problem with a team named pineapples.  I am trying – and failing – to imagine a bunch of college boys calling themselves the pineapples.  The other teams in the league weren’t the naranjas and the manzanas.  They were named Fiji (I have no idea why), Five Guys, One Ball, and Mary Court (a street on the UMich) campus. Those sound like intramural league names, pineapples does not.

Kerallah’s team, on the other hand, is said to have been called the Keffiyehs.  Now there’s a plausible, in-your-face adolescent name choice.  So is Ananas.

The symbolism of keffiyehs is a matter of perspective.  The kefiyyeh has gone past it’s moment as a hipster fashion statement, but it continues to symbolize both a radical stand against authority and support for Palestinians.  Certainly the students wearing keffiyehs as they occupied the student union at Michigan last week saw it this way.  To many others, however, the keffiyeh, especially the keffiyeh worn to cover everything except the eyes, is associated associated with violent terrorist attacks not only on Israelis, but on passengers traveling on cruise ships and airplanes.  They upset and even frighten people.  If this were not so, hipsters and radicals would not take so much pleasure in wearing them.  At the very least, Kerallah knew that his selfie would get a rise out of people.

After thinking about this deeply about this post while I washed my hair, I continue to think that both the pineapple-stabbing selfie and the choice of Ananas (with which Kerallah was apparently not involved, other UMich students appear to have made that choice,) as a team name can best be understood as an inside joke in terrible taste, the kind of  “joke” that Dieudonne deliberately and calculatingly creates for his worldwide following.   Until recently, you could you could make a selfie of yourself standing inside a synagogue, at the gates of Auschwitz, or with your arm around the shoulders of a Jew in front of the Western Wall while making the quenelle, the anti-Semitic gesture Dieudonne invented.  The museum guards, police officers, and orthodox Jews standing next to you allowing you to take a snapshot with them simply didn’t know what you were doing.   Here is a video of quenelle selfies at Jewish sites, obviously compiled by an editor outraged by anti-Semitism.  The three pineapple-heads at 1:04 appear to be standing at a Nazi concentration camp.  The two at 1:19 are in front of a Holocaust Memorial.  Shoahnanas.

Dieudonne is making antisemitism cool again.   The BBC says that “Dieudosphere” skyrocketed to the top of the social media charts in January, in the wake of Nicholas Anelka’s Dec. 28 quenelle.   This pineapple selfie was posted at a moment when anyone following hatred of Israel and Jews on social media could hardly have avoided thinking about Dieudonne.   You may not be be friends with people who send around the myriad video versions of Shoahnanas, or selfies of themselves doing the quenelle in front of Holocaust Memorials, but  with millions of (correction: selfies and hits on the) versions of this song circulating, I find it impossible to believe that the members of Michigan’s Divest from Israel community had not seen any.

This is why I think that Dieudonne’s  song is the most plausible explanation of why a young man active in the anti-Israel movement on his campus posted, in Janyary 2014,  a selfie of himself wearing a keffiyeh and stabbing a pineapple.    It was an inside joke.   Team Keffiyeh was going to murder team Ananas in a basketball game.  And  the insiders among Kerallah’s Facebook friends would get a chuckle out of the Shoahnanas.






“Nation-states are an almost necessary basis for democracy.”

Posted by dianamuir on March 23, 2014
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“Nation-states are an almost necessary basis for democracy. A common language and culture, a common allegiance to national institutions, a common sense of destiny, all within a defined territory, with equal rights for all citizens—these seem to be the conditions that enable people with different opinions and interests to accept political defeat and the passage of laws to which they strongly object.”

The Case for Nationalism, John O’Sullivan, March 21, 2014, Wall Street Journal

Peter Burke’s Languages and Communities in Early Modern Europe goes beyond the evidence

Posted by dianamuir on March 23, 2014
language policy, Pre-modern nationalism, Sixteenth century nationhood, When is a nation? / Comments Off on Peter Burke’s Languages and Communities in Early Modern Europe goes beyond the evidence


Midway through Peter Burke’s  Languages and Communities in Early Modern Europe  it is troubling to see him assert that “deliberate acts by governments” to promote, mandate, or downgrade particular languages or dialects in favor of others “were as rare before 1789 as they were common after that date.” (p. 72) Then, citing Henri Peyre, he argues that official actions of this kind were not only rare, they were “rarely consistent,” more in the nature of unplanned “reactions” to particular circumstances and, therefore, that it would be “wise to avoid the term (language policy) in the case of Europe before 1789”.(p. 73)

This is startling both because  Burke’s own book is filled with what read like examples of official language policy in the centuries before 1789.  But it is disquieting to have a scholar give a clear summary of his findings that does not appear to be supported by the evidence he himself is presenting at book-length.  And the unease that this generates is doubled in a case like Languages and Communities where the author overlooks or omits what is probably the largest body of evidence negating his conclusion.

Burke’s assertion that national language policies happen only post-1789, particularly the Epilogue, “Languages and Nations,” in which he asserts that, “rare instances of conscious language policy before 1789 – were not examples of nationalism in the modern sense,” is a carefully crafted intervention in the scholarly debate over the antiquity of nations, a broadside fired at the idea that nations or nationalism may predate Herder.

The evidence Burke himself presents in this book supports a far milder conclusion, that at particular times and places in pre-modern Europe (under Alphonso X of Castile or Alfred the Great of Wessex, or in the French administration of seventeenth century Alsace) there were official language policies, which become more common in the 18th century, and far more common in the 19th.

Of equal concern in a book with this sweep a scope is the absence of the phrase “prayer book”, a term that I began to look for with some care after Burke’s first, startling assertion that there was no such thing as a pre-1789 language policy.   What are we to make of a boon on language and community in Europe that appears unaware that beginning on a particular Sunday morning in 1549 in every church in England, every pastor – all of them answerable to a new, national church  – was to take up the new Book of Common Prayer and henceforth conduct all public services in English.  It is hard to interpret the replacement of the Latin Mass by the Book of Common Prayer, mandated by Parliament as the Act of Uniformity of 1549 as anything other than part of an official language policy.  More especially as it was paralleled by similar policies in newly Protestant Sweden and Denmark.